In
every free and democratic country like Ghana that is governed by laws and ethics, all persons have
inherent rights and corresponding obligations, duties or responsibilities.
The obligation to
declare the winner of both parliamentary and presidential elections in Ghana is
particularly the preserve of the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana. In this
light and in the full participation of all political actors, the EC rightly
declared 275 parliamentary candidates as winners and John Dramani Mahama as
winner of the Presidential elections out of eight presidential candidates in
the December 2012 general elections. The international community, led by the
African Union (AU)/Ecowas election observers, heralded the elections as free,
transparent and fair. The verdicts of domestic election observers including TV
and radio stations were not any different. However, upon EC’s declaration of a presidential
winner and whatever endorsements that might come along, it is still the
inalienable right of any candidate who feels dissatisfied to protest by utilising
the remedies available with the EC or petitioning the Supreme Court (SC) of
Ghana in respect of the perceived circumvention of any rights (Art 64.1 of 1992
Constitution; Constitutional Instrument (CI) 74).
Much worth
their right, it was therefore fascinating that by the 28th of December 2012 and well within the 21 days allowed by (CI 74) 68A(1) ,
Nana Dankwa Akuffo-Addo (NPP
presidential candidate), Dr Mahamudu
Bawumia (NPP Presidential running mate) and Mr Jake Otanka Obestebi-Lamptey (NPP National
Chairman) jointly petitioned the SC claiming some irregularities, statutory
violations and malpractices they perceived to have occurred which in their
estimation ultimately disadvantaged the New Patriotic Party (NPP’s) presidential
candidate from winning and that the declaration by the EC on 9th
December 2012 that the National
Democratic Congress (NDC’s) presidential candidate, President John Dramani Mahama, won the December 2012 presidential elections with 50.70% representing 5,574,761 votes over Nana Akuffo-Addo’s 47.74% representing 5,248,896 votes was flawed and should be overturned (EC,2012;
SC Registry, 2012).
Key issues raised in
the pending petition have been ‘over-voting, pink sheets without signatures of presiding officers, polling
stations with similar serial numbers, extra polling stations not part of the
26,002, mismatch of words and figures, wrong arithmetic and voting without
biometric verification’. According to the Petitioners in the amended petition (7th
February 2013), these apparent irregularities, malpractices and statutory violations
occurred in 11,916 polling stations (a jump from 4,709 in the original
petition) thus affecting 4,670,504 valid votes (a jump from 1,342,845 in
original petition) which they are praying the SC to annul, pronounce Nana
Akuffo-Addo as the validly elected president and give any consequential orders
deemed by the Court (SC Registry, 2013).
Those are, indeed, very
intriguing but curious allegations and demands from the Petitioners because of
four main reasons: (1) At all material times, the representatives of NPP and
the Petitioners were adequately represented equitably as that of the representatives
of the NDC, President John Mahama and the EC (the three respondents to the petition).
This included voting, counting of votes,
collation of votes, confirmation of votes and declaration of winner; (2) The
processes thereof were adequately transparent and largely done in the full
glare of the public as required by most of the safeguards in Article
49 of the Constitution and CI 75 (articles
29 to 41 particularly); (3) The irregularities,
malpractices and statutory violations must have affected all presidential candidates as well as all
parliamentary candidates in such alleged polling stations; (4) SC has no
mandate and capacity to declare any elections in Ghana, EC rather does (Art
63.9, 1992 Constitution). SC can only determine legality or validity of EC’s
conduct or outcome thereof upon which SC can order EC to re-collate votes or re-conduct
elections or put its house in order so as to redress the balance (Art 64.2,
1992 Constitution).
Even though the
foregoing rights and obligations appear to be interspersed, it is clear that: (1)
EC performed its duties; (2) President Mahama had been duly elected as
president of Ghana (CI 80; 7th January 2013 Parliamentary Hansard);
(3) The Petitioners have also performed their duty by submitting their claims
of case to the SC; (4) SC will hear the claimants’ case and shall come out with
its verdict in due course. All of these must be respected by all well-meaning
citizens and inhabitants of Ghana (1992 Constitution; (CI) 16, (CI) 74, (CI)
75).
Nonetheless, it appears
that there is a deliberate ploy by the Petitioners and their supporters to
sensationally exploit pettiness, rights and the law. These should likely amount
to blatant abuse of democratic and judicial credentials of the country. Otherwise,
how else do you expect the Petitioners to be alleging irregularities and
malpractices in Court but from outside the Court their supporters are
brandishing fraud and stealing?
Why would Petitioners’ or
NPP’s Members of Parliament (MPs) refuse to participate in anything involving
President Mahama in so far as, according to them, such activities will not
outlive the President in the event that the President is declared as invalid by
the SC, yet such NPP’s MPs happily go home with GHC 50,000 accommodation
allowance and other emoluments approved by the President? How come the NPP’s
MPs do recognise their own validity to be MPs, yet the Nana Addo they and the
Petitioners are vouching for with their superfluous allegations, who equally went through same processes, venues,
EC and time period but eventually lost to President Mahama is not recognised by
them?
At what point did the alleged malpractices or
“stealing” occur? Was it done at EC’s ‘strong room’ in Accra where all parties
had their strong representatives including NPP’s Mac Manu (NPP’s former
chairman) even after all the stakeholders had certified the results at all the
polling and collation centres? Some ‘pink sheets’ or election result sheets
were also alleged not to have been signed by Presiding officers of the EC, who
indeed ought to have appended their signatures, but how come NPP’s
representatives and that of other political parties signed at least over 25,950
of the ‘pink sheets’? Was NPP’s
representatives compromised in any way? What about the other political parties’
representatives? What about the observers?
How do the Petitioners and
NPP expect SC to annul over 4,000,000 votes of voters who had nothing to do
with any malpractices and irregularities but who only went through the
processes allowed by electoral officers and party representatives to cast their
votes? Would it be in anyway legitimate to have such eligible votes expunged, without
reasonable justification and substantive remedies, by just 5, 7, 9 or 11 Justices
of the SC who themselves know that, under the circumstance, they likely do not
have the jurisdiction to do such a thing (Art 42, 1992 constitution)?
Why is it that NPP and
the Petitioners’ supporters would still go about demonstrating to have their
votes counted when indeed the Petitioners are rather praying the SC to deny
some people of their votes? Do the Petitioners really have confidence in the
strength of their case and that of the SC at all? Isn’t the Petitioners’ case a
colourful representation of bitter losers who are refusing to be better losers?
Isn’t it about: (a) Trying to sow a seed of discord in the Ghanaian society? (b)
NPP’s leaders deceiving their supporters for letting them down? (c) Preparing
the grounds for their 2012 presidential candidate to run on the ticket of NPP
again? (d) Trying to create legitimacy crisis in the minds of people? (e) Selfishness
and ill-motives on the part of NPP and the Petitioners who know all too well
that although the elections might not have been 100% perfect, at whatever rate
Nana Akuffo-Addo clearly lost the 7-8 December 2012 general elections on behalf
of NPP?
Indeed, given the
highly rated nature of the December 2012 elections, no one can honestly compare
the credibility of any of the elections ever held in Ghana with that which was
recently held.
In fact the unconventional reality is that,
without prejudicing the petition before the SC, if SC were to even annul the
4,670,504 eligible votes from 11,916 polling stations at the very least of
margins, and shall have to order EC to re-collate or re-run elections in such
polling stations where irregularities appeared to have occurred, the NDC and President
John Mahama will still be most likely to come out as clear victors. Nevertheless,
albeit petty to litigate, NPP must be
congratulated because its Petitioners are helping to put EC much on its toes. EC’s
Chairman, Dr Kwadwo Afari Gyan, must take some of the issues seriously and use
them to further perfect the coveted EC before he finally retires.
So then, why wouldn’t luminaries
in NPP want to dare to bring their party together to squarely face the future
reality instead of fighting non-existing past when existing present doesn’t
even seem to have the capacity to provide the needed arsenals to defend and
procure its own relevance? Peradventure, your surmise may well be more perfect
than mine!
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