The 2013 presidential petition hearing in the Supreme
Court of Ghana, following a petition lodged against the Electoral Commission of
Ghana’s declaration of Mr John Dramani Mahama as validly elected president with
50.70% of total valid votes cast in the 7/8th December 2012 general
elections, has indeed attracted huge attention of people from both far and
near, including legal experts and philosophers. The contention of the petitioners
and the adjudication thereof are in the spirit and backing of article 64(1 to
3) of the 1992 republican constitution of Ghana which gives the petitioners the
right to challenge the validity of presidential elections and equally empowers
the Supreme Court not only to adjudicate but also to formulate appropriate adjudication
rules such as those found in Constitutional Instrument (CI) 74, 2012.
Validity is one of the concepts that may be seen from
different perspectives. But it is certainly not without parameters. It may be
understood in philosophy as a logical arrangement of argument or contention which
posits that the conclusions and premises of any reasoning must necessarily
follow or be consistent with each other in truth or falsity wherever it might
be seen to be interpreted (Socrates, Aristotle).
For example, in deductive reasoning, if it is said that:
‘All animals are cats – The laptop computer is an animal - Therefore, the
laptop computer is a cat’; it will be quick for anyone anywhere to raise an
unequivocal objection that all the three statements or propositions at issue
are false. The reason obviously is that, not all animals are cats – laptop
computer cannot also be an animal – laptop computer cannot be a cat either.
Another circumstantial instance may be contended that: ‘All
irregularities, statutory violations and malpractices make elections invalid –
The 2012 elections in Ghana had irregularities, statutory violations and
malpractices – Therefore, the 2012 elections in Ghana were invalid’. This
argument could also easily be labeled as false and dismissed even though its
second premise might have appeared to be true.
Ironically however, in both arguments there seems to be
an inherent logical form that proves beyond every sense of flow that, indeed,
the contentions are after-all valid. This means that the truthfulness or
otherwise of an argument is not necessarily what makes an argument valid but
the ‘logical form’. That is, validity is obtained in so far as the premises
logically support a reason to believe the conclusions. It does not matter the
falsity or truthfulness of the propositions – what matters is the logical form
and consistency of the truthfulness or falsity. Nevertheless, even though such reasoning
may be valid, it cannot be said to be sound.
Sound arguments not only must have logical form but
also must have true propositions in its premises and conclusion. In determining
reality of circumstances, philosophers are more interested in the soundness of
arguments put forward in support of claims made. Philosophers are well-grounded
in philosophy or critical thinking and so use structured viewpoints to seek for
truth or reality of a phenomenon or claims thereof.
In the field of law, however, validity may be
understood as not just the logical flow or form of the argument but also the
veracity or truthfulness of the reasoning with attention to both internal and
external factors that may have effects on the way the propositions are made. Validity
of propositions in this case ought to be determined within a given legal
framework and perhaps socio-political and moral imperatives. Thus in
determining validity in law, veracity and soundness of reasoning are not
considered in isolation but are situated in the context of implicit and
explicit guidelines or standards which the society gives recognition or credence
to through its legal, political and moral institutions, amongst others.
This implies that validity of an argument on a given
issue might vary from one jurisdiction to the other depending upon the
frameworks that guide human activities and processes. Such variations may be on
both the form and substance. There is nonetheless a huge amount of consensus on
the substance and form of issues with international scope which international legal
architecture regulates, especially on some fundamental human rights such as
right to freedom of expression, democratic and political choices including
elections of political leaders, as happened in Ghana during the 2012 December
elections.
For example, in many democratic nations where rule of
law and freedom of expression predominate, validity of elections is determined
by free, fair and transparent processes where each candidate has an equitable
chance of being elected by eligible voters who also must be given the political
space to exercise their franchise without intimidation or victimization or
other hindrances. The legal and socio-political framework to administer and enforce
those, may still differ from country to country and determination of validity
thereof will largely depend on that country’s legal, social and political
frameworks, of course with hindsight of international legal experience and
standards.
The legal framework that principally guided the conduct
and remedies for the 2012 general elections of Ghana principally constituted
the constitution of Ghana (primarily articles 49, 50, 51, 52; particularly articles
42, 63,64, 65 ) and (CI.75, and CI.74)2012, as well as ‘2012 manual on election
adjudication, 2nd edition’ and other legal and social imperatives. In considering validity of the 2012
presidential elections, it is therefore very important to have a holistic and
strategic view of all the parameters that hold a proof of some level of validity
in elections across the world but with reasonable consideration of domestic laws
such as those mentioned immediately beforehand. Thus, ‘malpractices,
irregularities and statutory violations’ alleged to have occurred in the
election of President John Mahama, for example, will have to be subjected to
the highest standard of proof of veracity and magnitude of claims on one hand
the legal and mathematical effects on the other.
Perhaps a careful balancing walk through strings of
technicalities of the philosophical and legal conceptualizations could be very
useful and undoubtedly appealing. It may
not still be enough to perfection but it should have been realized that philosophical
narratives ought to be significantly featured in legal analyses albeit with some transmutations to
reflect specific legal imperatives and moral reasoning – whether categorical
moral reasoning interested in duties and rights or consequential moral reasoning
interested in utility or best outcomes.
In closely observing the ongoing Supreme Court
proceedings of the presidential petition in 2013 Ghana, a philosopher with the
hindsight of the legal imperatives could therefore be attracted to make these
insightful but laconic propositions:
Credible elections should possess basic validity if it is able to secure voter legitimacy involving
identification of eligible voters; vote integrity constituting security of
ballot, competence of voter, and accuracy of single tally of votes whereby each
ballot is stamped or marked, clearly voted and counted; as well as level of
accuracy of agreed result as openly counted and declared. Very credible elections
should have non-coercible validity if
it possesses elements of basic validity together with voter preference which
constitutes absence of seduction to vote preferred candidate; and lack of constraint
on voter integrity in which the voter should not be coerced to vote. Highly
credible elections are characterized by non-deniable
validity which integrates
non-coercible validity with non-deniability of tally of results by candidates
or their representatives and non-deniability of legitimacy of the results
obtained by each candidate and the winning candidate thereof.
Simply put, non-deniable validity incorporates basic
validity and non-coercible validity which altogether posits that elections are highly
credible in validity if the process was free, fair and transparent whereby each
eligible voter was openly identified, freely allowed to vote preferred candidate,
votes properly counted, tallied and results openly declared in which candidates
or representatives of candidates certified and accepted the results and winner
at the polling station thereof. This is true for three main reasons: firstly,
it would have satisfied most of, if not all, the legal and social imperatives
that provided the framework for the elections; secondly, it would have met the
standards of international legal jurisprudence on valid elections;
Thirdly, it is
consistent with the imperative deductive logic which essays that: Every country’s
election is valid if its process and outcome was free, fair and transparent,
even with some insignificant errors - Ghana’s 2012 elections were free, fair
and transparent but with some insignificant errors - Therefore, Ghana’s 2012
elections were valid. Perhaps, this suppositional
hazard may attempt to attract some vibrations of contempt of court. But nay, it
shall not be contemptuous for two reasons; first, it is an informed academic
opinion which merely attempts to put legal philosophy in perspective; second,
it shall not in any way prejudice the outcome or reasoning of the eminent Supreme
Court Justices.
It is sufficiently reasonable to then conclude by
saying that validity of the 2012 presidential elections can only be interpreted
and determined by the Supreme Court of Ghana (1992 Constitution - Articles 64.2;
130.1a). But suffice to reveal that in
the categorical and consequential boardroom of the philosopher, logical
deliberations attentively try to reconcile with legal imperatives in which rational
conclusions reached must comply with the real truth and utmost certainty – the
true intentions and preferences of legitimate Ghanaian voters as found in secured
ballot boxes.
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